'Politics, Social'에 해당되는 글 3건

  1. 2012.07.15 To Save JFK
  2. 2012.07.14 Churchill on Paper
  3. 2012.07.11 Twenty years on, European leaders celebrate the fall of the Berlin Wall

To Save JFK

|

To Save JFK 

 

Kennedy motorcade

 

History is the best story: you can’t make that stuff up. It takes an Olympian imagination to render historical events believable, much less comprehensible. The most outlandish part of Stephen King’s 11/22/63 is its account of the real life and adventures of Lee Harvey Oswald and his shadowy mentor George de Mohrenschildt. Compared to that farrago of double lives, the time-travel fantasy plot seems unexceptional.

 

Readers don’t turn to Stephen King for belles lettres, but his writing habits are highly effective for storytelling, plot development, character composition (or decomposition), and other such homely virtues. King specializes in what T.S. Eliot called life’s “partial horror.” He’s a master at seeing the grinning skull beneath the skin, the manic gleam in the eye of the quiet neighbor, the evil that somehow permeates whole towns. He understands how a Thing can be hungry and want to feed upon whatever is at hand: fear, jealousy, shame, regret, anger, weakness—even love and happiness.

 

Almost a quarter-century ago, Tom Wolfe wrote in “Stalking the Billion-Footed Beast: A Literary Manifesto for the New Social Novel” (Harper’s, November 1989) that he had expected to be overrun and outdone by countless writers scrambling to render the American experience—creating the “literature worthy of her vastness” that social-realist Sinclair Lewis called for in his 1930 Nobel Prize speech—only to see the contemporary novel reduced to a mere “literary game.”

 

What happened to the legacy of Zola and Balzac, Dickens and Thackeray? Here Wolfe applies the same analysis to American literature that he earlier applied to the visual arts (“The Painted Word”) and architecture (“From the Bauhaus to Our House”): “The intelligentsia have always had contempt for the realistic novel—a form that wallows so enthusiastically in the dirt of everyday life and the dirty secrets of class envy and that, still worse, is so easily understood and obviously relished by the mob, i.e., the middle class.”

 

The intelligentsia look down not only on realism but on all the popular genres: mysteries, war stories, bodice-rippers, Westerns, spy thrillers, science fiction, horror, and humor. But a lot of good writing, and the best storytelling, can be found in those genres, on the page and on screens both big and small, from “The Sopranos” to “My Name Is Earl.”

 

Why do serious writers flee realism? Out of despair, Wolfe says, at being unable to keep up with a reality that grows more fantastical by the day:

The imagination of the novelist is powerless before what he knows he’s going to read in tomorrow morning’s newspaper. … [Yet] the answer is not to [abandon] the rude beast … the life around us … but to do what journalists do, or are supposed to do, which is to wrestle the beast and bring it to terms.

Stephen King has always enjoyed a good wrestle with the beast. He made his debut with Carrie in 1974, nearly four decades ago, and has been mulling over the big idea behind 11/22/63 for some time. The novel required years of historical research and plumbing his own memories of growing up in the 1950s.

 

The plot is this: Jake Epping is a 35-year-old high-school English teacher in Lisbon Falls, Maine, who is convinced by a dying friend to check out a portal into the past—11:58 a.m. on September 9, 1958, to be exact—that he’s discovered in the rear pantry of his diner.

 

Each time Jake breaches the portal, the past “resets,” effacing any alterations he has previously made. He ages at a normal rate while in the past, although only two seconds have elapsed in the present whenever he returns. Jake soon signs on to his friend’s urgent mission: to prevent the Kennedy assassination by first spying on Oswald to ascertain that he’s the lone assassin, then eliminating him.

 

Save JFK, they figure, and the evils that come after—including escalation of the Vietnam War (“Is the butcher’s bill that high if Kennedy doesn’t die in Dallas?”), the MLK and RFK assassinations, the riots, and maybe even Tricky Dick himself—will no longer ensue.

 

If there were ever an act considered 100 percent righteous by my generation, it would be preventing the death of John Kennedy. His murder was a live horror movie even before we were allowed to watch the Zapruder tape. The ’50s were as close to sweetness and light as any cohort of kids has ever come; the ’50s ended brutally with the trauma of November 22, 1963. Then carnage in color on the nightly news, riots, more assassinations. Yes, we’d believe Jake’s mission could make the world objectively and quantifiably happier.

 

But first Jake has to wait five years for 1963 to roll around. The plan, as King contrives it, is to be sure Oswald acts alone in his April ’63 attempt to kill General Edwin Walker. If he does, that should mean Oswald will also act alone in Dallas. Unfortunately, this assumption turns out to be illogical and even perverse.

 

“The past is a foreign country; they do things differently there,” wrote L.P. Hartley in The Go-Between. As King has Jake accustom himself to living in the past, it’s fascinating how he chooses to view the America of a half-century ago through modern eyes.

 

First he notices the mind-blowing debasement of our currency—the bills still marked “Silver Certificate,” the coins made of actually valuable metals. And the prices: comics five cents each, gas 19.9 cents a gallon, cars for a few hundred bucks, ground beef 54 cents a pound, complete dinners 95 cents, a revolver for $9.99. Ron Paul can speechify about sound money, but literature transports you back to it.

 

Next noticed are the trust and friendliness of a more innocent time, the doors and cars left unlocked, the unworldliness, the corniness, the much more pronounced regional identities. Unselfconscious references to God. Kids playing outside till dusk. Happy upbeat music and fun movies. Nights dark enough to display stars, quiet enough to hear crickets. And “the huge and stately elms” that are all gone now.

 

Then there are the vibrant downtowns, the up-and-running industrial base, trains chuffing, oilfields roaring, the dignity of manual labor, the un-PC conversations, the absence of GPS tracking systems, the lack of a national ID system, no intrusive cell phones or nagging email.

 

Mid-century America is a feast for Jake’s senses, if not always a pleasant one: “I was deciding that 1958 had been a pretty good year. Aside from the stench of the mill and the cigarette smoke, that was.” No legislative campaigns to stamp out smoking, no EPA to shut down factories, no health Nazis whinging about trans fats, salt, and sugar. “This fifty-years-gone world smelled worse than I ever would have expected, but it tasted a whole hell of a lot better.”

 

The greatest downside, of course, is the treatment of black Americans. King resists the temptation to introduce one of his black savior/martyr figures like Dick Hallorann in The Shining, Mother Abigail in The Stand, or John Coffey in The Green Mile. King has been a prime purveyor of the “Magic Negro” trope. But he means well—he lives in Maine, after all. And he movingly points out in 11/22/63 that second-class citizenship for American blacks meant a separate and unequal quality of life.

 

The one serious anachronism I find in King’s recreation of this almost incredible world—which I found credible only because I once lived there myself—is his characters’ foul mouths. He seems to think nice people, even young Southern women, would have used four-letter words with abandon back then. On the contrary, even “hell” and “damn” were reserved for the most dire situations. What Tom Wolfe has called the “f–k patois” was unknown outside the military, prisons, or core ghettos.

 

As the novel progresses, the depthless mystery of Lee Harvey Oswald meets the Man Who Wasn’t There, George de Mohrenschildt. The latter was clearly an instigator and enabler of Oswald, but why?

 

If we don’t know exactly who he was—and no one denies he had ties to reactionary White Russian circles and the CIA—or exactly who Jack Ruby was—and no one denies he was a mobster—how can we assess Oswald’s true role?

 

Just because de Mohrenschildt wasn’t with Oswald the night he aimed at Walker doesn’t mean he didn’t goad the younger man into doing it. Or set him up for ultimate patsyhood.

 

As it turns out, the past does not quite reset every time Jake dips into it. There is a raving wino who seems to function as a gatekeeper stationed next to the portal, whom Jake is advised to give a 50-cent piece to in order to pass unmolested—like paying the boatman to be rowed across the Styx to Hades.

 

After several trips, Jake finds the guy with his throat cut; the next time, another man rushes up and begs Jake to quit meddling, telling him that every time the past is altered, “it gums up the machine. Eventually a point will come where the machine simply … stops.”

 

Apparently each portal or “bubble” is manned by a guardian whose protests are becoming more and more feeble. One is strongly reminded of the Republican Party and its candidates. Diminishing returns, and reaching into the past to cherry-pick events is much like government reaching into society to pick winners and losers.

 

After Jake kills Oswald in the book depository and returns to 2011, the world has indeed been changed, but overwhelmingly for the worse. The alternate history he triggered has led to nukes being used, climate change, pollution, impoverishment, political chaos, neotribalism—a real equal-opportunity dystopia. Heeding the gatekeeper at last, he returns one final time to let history happen.

 

Incomparable as they might be, 11/22/63 has something in common with Tolstoy’s War and Peace aside from their great length and their shared understanding that people most love to read stories about people: both books deal with theories of history and how it is made. Tolstoy wonders what history would have been like without Napoleon, just as Stephen King wonders what it would have been like without the Kennedy assassination.

 

For King, the “obdurate” past “doesn’t want to be changed.” Time resists being tampered with. History happens, history is what happened, and history wants to happen. Moreover, “The resistance to change is proportional to how much the future might be altered by any given act.”

 

For Tolstoy, the forces of history are far greater than the will of any man. What appears in 20-20 hindsight to have been willed by one or many individuals only “came about step by step, moment by moment, event by event, as a result of the most diverse circumstances”:

The human mind cannot grasp the causes of phenomena in the aggregate. But the need to find these causes is inherent in man’s soul. … To the question: What causes historic events? an answer presents itself, namely, that the course of world events is predetermined from on high, and depends on the coincidence of the wills of all who participate in those events, and that the influence of a Napoleon on the course of such events is purely superficial and imaginary.

“Predetermined from on high” is another way of invoking King’s notion of the obdurate past. The Greeks called it moira, fate; their tragedies show how the more violently one struggles to evade his destiny, the more tightly it embraces him.

 

Jake’s sobering travels through time reveal to him “a universe of horror and loss surrounding a single lighted stage where mortals dance in defiance of the dark.” To King, that is humanity’s hell, and its ultimate hope.

 

Marian Kester Coombs writes from Crofton, Md.

 

Source: theamericanconservative.com

 

oldmarine

 

And

Churchill on Paper

|

Churchill on Paper


A library exhibit examines the great man as a prose stylist.

 

By Charles C. W. Cooke

 

Winston Churchill at 10 Downing Street in 1940


In War and Peace, Tolstoy contends that Great Men have no agency; instead, they are merely slaves to Providence. British philosopher Herbert Spencer liked this idea, but he put it a little differently: “Before he can remake his society, his society must make him.”

 

There is certainly value in this view of the world, but taken ad absurdum it will lead to a rejection of exceptionalism — and even of free will: “His society” may well have led to the content of Shakespeare’s plays, but how to explain his facility for language?

 

One might well ask the same question about Winston Churchill, of whose literary output New York City’s Morgan Library has just opened an exhibition. In war and in peace Churchill was a human force field whose time was as much a product of him as he of it.

 

In his magisterial biography, Churchill, Roy Jenkins implored us to appreciate how much of a tangible difference to the course of history Churchill made, and how adroitly he drew on his understanding of the past to predict the future.

 

Contra Spencer, Churchill was special. He seems to have known it himself, telling Violet Asquith at a dinner party in 1906, “we are all worms, but I do believe I am a glow worm.”

 

Later, modesty obtained. “I was not the lion, but it fell to me to give the lion’s roar,” was his verdict on his role. It is perhaps more accurate to say that he was not the only lion. But whatever he was, his resolution to achieve victory “whatever the cost may be” stood him in dramatic contrast with many of his peers.

 

The similarly bred Lord Halifax, who came perilously close to the premiership on the eve of the fall of France, was in favor of a negotiated peace with Hitler. Those who had recently occupied 10 Downing Street had been faced with a choice between war and dishonor: “They chose dishonor. They will have war,” Churchill warned.

 

Given the unfavorable circumstances in which his judgment was issued, he could hardly have guessed that when its full fury came he would be sitting in their place. We should be thankful that he was.

 

Churchill’s qualities transcended his gift for rhetoric. Evelyn Waugh’s biting characterization of the man as “simply a radio personality who outlived his prime” was a cheap and witless shot. His indomitable courage and instinctive understanding of the Nazis’ true station in the “dark, lamentable catalogue of human crime” played an equally critical role in his contribution to British survival.

 

But a voice ringing out in the darkness will not resonate without the right words to shape it, and it was his command of ideas and mastery of language that gave his roar its bite. As Edward R. Murrow put it, Churchill “mobilized the English language and sent it into battle.” This is the exhibition’s central theme.

 

Unlike many of his contemporaries, Churchill had scant capacity for extemporaneous remarks. This much is obvious from his unscripted V-E Day speech, which is egregious among the collection on display. Such was Churchill’s reliance upon preparation that his friend, Lord Birkenhead, joked that “Winston has spent the best years of his life writing impromptu speeches.” The barb rings true: His words were meticulously fashioned and generally extensive.

 

So prolific was Churchill in his output that others often felt duty-bound to put him down. A vast memorandum to the secretary of state, Lord Elgin — under whom he served as under-secretary for the colonies as a young man — was finished with a peremptory, “These are my views.” This prompted Elgin to add, “But not mine,” and return the treatise to Churchill without further comment. It was a great British put-down of a not-yet-great Briton.

 

But time changes everything. Ultimately, Churchill’s unyielding prose found a receptive audience and a historical role. His uncanny capacity to identify what was at stake — so often parsed as much in terms of the virtues of the Anglo-American West as of the evils of the Nazis and, later, the Soviet Union — allowed him to cast the Second World War and its aftermath in its proper light and deftly to illustrate the perils of inaction as the world around his “island home” sank into “the abyss of a new dark age.”

 

Nowadays “Nazi” is a casually thrown synonym for “evil,” but this was not always so. Given understandable British reluctance to replay the horrors of the Somme, and Americans’ legitimate hesitation to be dragged into the new battles of the Old World, Churchill had his work cut out.

 

Fortunately, by the time he became prime minister he had been warning of Nazism’s hazards for a good five years — an ample period in which to collect his thoughts on the matter. That notwithstanding, his first speech to Parliament gave the measure of the man.

 

Addressing the Commons, he made no mention of those whose mistakes had led Britain to the brink of its first invasion since 1066; nor of his having been ignored on that score for so long. He could well have lamented that he had been rendered Cassandra and relegated to the political wilderness for the crime of being right.

 

But then, always preferring to move forward, that was never Churchill’s style. Instead, he said this:

We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I can say: It is to wage war, by sea, land and air, with all our might and with all the strength that God can give us; to wage war against a monstrous tyranny, never surpassed in the dark, lamentable catalogue of human crime.

 

That is our policy. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word: It is victory, victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror, victory, however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival.

 

Let that be realised; no survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge and impulse of the ages, that mankind will move forward towards its goal. But I take up my task with buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. At this time I feel entitled to claim the aid of all, and I say, “come then, let us go forward together with our united strength.”

 

This goal, to maintain the “urge and impulse of the ages,” motivated Churchill in war and in peace. In this he channeled his American heritage (his mother was born in Brooklyn, and he spent a not insignificant amount of time in the country as his fame as a writer grew).
 
F. Scott Fitzgerald wrote in The Crack-Up that “England was a people, but America, having about it that quality of an idea, was hard to utter.” Churchill uttered it magnificently; at once straddling and bridging the divide, and championing Anglo-American liberty in its new and old forms.
 
Not by accident did he elect to write his History of the English-Speaking Peoples. He appreciated keenly the ideas that those peoples had generated — ideas that transcended them and of which he considered the colonies of the British Empire to be beneficiaries, white and non-white alike. Such convictions, noble though they were, could occasionally push him down a blind alley. Certainly, they explain his regrettable and dogged unwillingness to let go of India when it was clear to most that the independence of that country was an inevitability.
 

The ideas that underpinned the British Empire and American Republic creep freely into Churchill’s writing, even when dubiously relevant. In 1936, when condemning the Japanese bombing of China, he lamented to an indifferent House of Commons that the Japanese were attacking the “stately language” of the Declaration of Independence, and the Chinese were fighting for “Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness.”

 

There he may have overstepped the bounds of credibility, but his oratory was generally better off for such enthusiasms. His readiness to separate the virtues of Anglo-American liberty from its authors and see freedom as a universal good formed an especially crucial distinction when contrasted with the crude appeal to exclusive racial superiority that emanated from Germany during its Third Reich.

 

In his post-war “Iron Curtain” speech at Westminster College in Missouri, Churchill adumbrated this line of thought. Britain and America’s role in the world, he affirmed, was to defend the “title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home.” And, these being “the message of the British and American peoples to mankind,”

we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

The war predominates, for obvious reasons. But the exhibition also deals with both Churchill’s formative years and the emotionally mixed days after victory had been won — days in which he suffered from depression (“black dog”), a surprising post-bellum defeat at the polls — and faced up to the task of warning a war-weary world that the “sunlit uplands” that he had promised would be the fruits of victory were, alas, subject to a new shadow cast by an “iron curtain.”

 

As a child, Churchill did not seem set for greatness — who does, really? — and struggled at school, ever remaining in the shadow of his famous father, Randolph. “The stupidest boy at Harrow who is the son of the cleverest man in England” was his schoolmaster’s evaluation, and the report card in the Morgan Library’s collection does little to contradict the opinion. (One verdict was simply: “Very bad — is a constant trouble to everybody.”) As was common at the time, being sent to boarding school was a virtual estrangement from his parents.

 

The letters in the exhibition show a boy full of unrequited love and trapped within Victorian strictures that had little room for his effusive personality and specialized skills. Like many a great autodidact, he was unsuited to the confines of a curriculum. “Personally I’m always ready to learn,” he wrote, “although I do not always like being taught.” That he had written and had published two classic war memoirs by his 20th birthday vindicated his complaint.

 

It would be a grave mistake to presume that, after a rough school career, the boy magically transformed into a sage. Lord Birkenhead never spoke truer words than when observing, “When Winston’s right, he’s right. When he’s wrong, well, my God.”

 

But while Churchill was often wrong, he was never unsure. Of the British government’s policy toward Nazi Germany he wrote, “so they go on in strange paradox, decided only to be undecided, resolved to be irresolute, adamant for drift, solid for fluidity, all-powerful to be impotent.”

 

Whatever his flaws, these were words that could never have been spoken of him. Instead, he lived by his motto: “I never worry about action, only inaction.” The modern world owes that fact a sizeable debt — Herbert Spencer be damned.

 

Charles C. W. Cooke is an editorial associate at National Review.

 

Source: nationalreview.com

 

oldmarine  

'Politics, Social' 카테고리의 다른 글

To Save JFK  (0) 2012.07.15
Twenty years on, European leaders celebrate the fall of the Berlin Wall  (0) 2012.07.11
And

Twenty years on, European leaders celebrate the fall of the Berlin Wall

|

Twenty years on, European leaders celebrate the fall of the Berlin Wall

By Mail Foreign Service

Last updated at 9:05 PM on 9th November 2009

Comments (42)

It was the night a country was reunited. When the Berlin Wall came down on November 9 1989, it was the moment that signalled the beginning of the end of Communism in Europe.

Today, German Chancellor Angela Merkel lead the country in celebrating the 20-year anniversary by retracing her steps of the night the wall fell.

Global leaders paid tribute to the spirit of the German people 20 years after the fall of the wall.

Berlin Wall 20th commemoration

Statesmen: Geman Chancellor Angela Merkel leads Gordon Brown, Nicolas Sarkozy, Dmitry Medvedev and Berlin Mayor Klaus Wowereit to the Pariser Platz in Berlin during tonight's celebrations

Berlin Wall

Historic: World leaders walk through the Brandenburg Gate during the 20th anniversary celebrations

Lech Walesa

Commemoration: Former Polish President Lech Walesa reacts after pushing over the first domino block on the corner of the Reichstag Gate

British Prime Minister Gordon Brown said: 'The whole world is proud of you. 'You tore down the wall and you changed the world; you tore down the wall that for a third of a century had imprisoned half a city, half a country, half a continent and half the world; and because of your courage two Berlins are one, two Germanies are one, and now two Europes are one.'

Russian President Dmitry Medvedev stressed the Soviet Union's role in bringing down the Berlin Wall, and suggested that more must be done to clear Europe of dividing lines.

He told the crowd: 'Naturally, we can't forget that the fall of the wall was prepared by what happened in the Soviet Union. 'These changes brought advantages to all of Europe... The Iron Curtain was overcome and the barriers were overcome.'

Gordon Brown
Hilary Clinton

Tributes: Gordon Brown makes a speech during the celebrations and, right, U.S. Secretary of State Hilary Clinton addresses the crowds at the Brandenburg Gate

Berlin Wall

Fireworks are set off above the Brandenburg Gate during the celebrations

Berlin Wall

The hand-painted giant domino pieces being to fall along the path of the original Berlin Wall

And U.S. President Barack Obama paid tribute to the German people in a video address. He said: 'Nov. 9, 1989 will always be remembered and cherished in the United States.

'Like so many Americans, I'll never forget the images of people tearing down the wall. There could be no clearer rebuke of tyranny, there could be no stronger affirmation of freedom.'

Mrs Merkel, who grew up in East Germany, was joined by former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev at the Bornholmer Strasse bridge - the first crossing to open after a confused announcement that East Germany was lifting travel restrictions.

The Chancellor was joined by a group of prominent former East Germans as well as Poland's pro-democracy leader, Lech Walesa.

Today she thanked Mr Gorbachev for making change possible, adding that it was 'not just a day of celebration for Germany, but a day of celebration for the whole of Europe.'

German Chancellor Angela Merkel (c) walks across the Bornholmer Strasse Bridge today, retracing her steps from East Germany 20 years ago

German Chancellor Angela Merkel (c) walks across the Bornholmer Strasse Bridge today, retracing her steps from East Germany 20 years ago

Mikhail Gorbachev (l) and Lech Walesa (r) help the German Chancellor hold a black and white photo of the Bornholmer Strasse bridge crossing in 1989

Mikhail Gorbachev (l) and Lech Walesa (r) help the German Chancellor hold a black and white photo of the famous Bornholmer Strasse bridge crossing in 1989

Today's celebrations will include a concert featuring performances from Bon Jovi, the Staats kapelle orchestra and DJ Paul van Dyck.

There will also be memorials across the city to the 136 who lost their lives attempting to cross the nearly 100-mile (155km) barrier that cut Berlin in two and stood as the most visible reminder of what was then an intractable, seemingly endless Cold War between the West and East.

An estimated 100,000 people are set to gather in front of the Brandenburg Gate, the iconic gateway that once stood in the midst of no man's land, surrounded by the wall, barbed wire and machine guns.

But instead of border guards and tense emotion, the gate will be the site of music, speeches and fireworks, in honour of the night in 1989 when people danced atop the Berlin Wall, feet thudding on the cold concrete, arms raised in victory, hands clasped in friendship and giddy hope.

Enlarge  

Tourists gather to see the individually painted dominos along the former route of the wall in front of illuminated landmark Brandenburg Gate in Berlin

Enlarge  

Crowds visit the line of painted styrofoam domino pieces near the Reichstag in central Berlin

The Quadriga statue stands illuminated on top of the Brandenburg Gate last night

1,000 giant dominoes, individually painted by German students, have been placed along the wall route, to be toppled later, signifying how Communist governments in Eastern Europe fell one after another.

In an interview, Mr Gorbachev said the collapse had been a catalyst for peace. 'No matter how hard it was, we worked, we found mutual understanding and we moved forward. We started cutting down nuclear weapons, scaling down the armed forces in Europe and resolving other issues,' he said.

Mrs Clinton said that 'the ideals that drove Berliners to tear down that wall are no less relevant today. The freedoms championed then are no less precious'. Monday 'should be a call to action not just a commemoration of past actions,' she said.

Enlarge  

A visitor photographs over the edge of a still-existing section of the Berlin Wall into the so-called 'death strip', where East German border guards had the order to shoot anyone attempting to flee into West Berlin

Visitors arrive to place roses in cracks in a still-existing section of the Berlin Wall at the Bernauer Strasse memorial

Enlarge  

People look at the individually painted dominos along the former route of the wall in front of the Reichstag in Berlin

The wall, which surrounded West Berlin, was erected at the height of the Cold War in 1961by Communist East Germany to prevent East Germans from taking refuge in the Capitalist enclave.

But on November 9, 1989, East Germans came in droves, riding their sputtering Trabants, motorcycles and rickety bicycles. Hundreds, then thousands, then hundreds of thousands crossed over the following days.

Stores in West Berlin stayed open late and banks gave out 100 Deutschmarks in 'welcome money' to each East German visitor.

The party lasted four days and by November 12 more than 3 million of East Germany's 16.6 million people had crossed the border.

Enlarge   Welcome: German Chancellor Angela Merkel greets U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in Berlin today

Welcome: German Chancellor Angela Merkel greets U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in Berlin today

Enlarge   Women place flowers in the back wall (east side, looking west) of a preserved segment of the Berlin wall during the anniversary today

Women place flowers in the back wall (east side, looking west) of a preserved segment of the Berlin wall during the anniversary today

Enlarge  

Former president of the Soviet Union Mikhail Gorbachev, former United States secretary of state Henry Kissinger and former German foreign minister Hans-Dietrich Gensche next to a piece of the Berlin wall

Klaus-Hubert Fugger, a student at the Free University in West Berlin, recalled how he had been drinking in a bar when people entered 'who looked a bit different.'

Mr Fugger, now 43, told how he and three others took a taxi to the Brandenburg Gate and scaled the 12-foot (4m) wall with hundreds of others. 'There were really like a lot of scenes, like people crying, because they couldn't get the situation,' he said. 'A lot of people came with bottles of champagne and sweet German sparkling wine.'

The wall, which stood for 28 years, is now mostly destroyed, though some parts still stand as part of an open-air museum. The only reminder is a series of inlaid bricks that trace its path.

Berliners celebrating on top of the wall as East Germans flood through the dismantled Berlin Wall into West Berlin. East Berlin, right, citizens climbing up the Berlin Wall near the Brandenburger Tor

Enlarge  

East and West Berliners celebrating in front of a control station during the opening of the borders to the West

Enlarge  

A Berliner chisels a piece of the wall that divided East and West Berlin

THE COLD WAR'S LAST GREAT DIVIDE

As Germany marks the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, a million soldiers line the 150 mile (245km) Demilitarised Zone (DMZ) separating north and south Korea.

The 2.5-mile (4km) wide no man's land, established under the ceasefire that ended the 1950-53 Korean War is one of the heaviest collection of armaments on earth.

'The economic gap between the two Koreas is far wider than that of the two Germanys before reunification,' said South Korea's Dong-A Ilbo newspaper. It is estimated that it would cost more than $1 trillion for South Korea to absorb the North, the only real scenario in the event of reunification.

Aside from the huge costs, there has been virtually no contact between the two Koreas for decades, cutting almost all telephone and postal contact between the two states.

East Germans by comparison were able to see the outside world through West German TV and the two countries had far more exchanges of people.

Enlarge  

East German border guards looking through a hole in the Berlin wall after demonstrators pulled down a segment of the wall at Brandenburg gate

Enlarge  

East German border policemen, right, refusing to shake hands with a Berliner who stretches out his hand over the border fence at the eastern site nearby Checkpoint Charlie

East and West Berliners passing the border crossing station in Berlin after the wall fell. Right, East German border guards standing on top of the Berlin wall in front of the Brandenburg Gate.

Source: dailymail.co.uk

oldmarine

'Politics, Social' 카테고리의 다른 글

To Save JFK  (0) 2012.07.15
Churchill on Paper  (0) 2012.07.14
And
prev | 1 | next